THE GIFT OF THE MAGI

by O. Henry
One dollar and eighty-seven cents. That was all. And sixty cents of it was in pennies. Pennies saved one and two at a time by bulldozing the grocer and the vegetable man and the butcher until one's cheeks burned with the silent imputation of parsimony that such close dealing implied. Three times Della counted it. One dollar and eighty- seven cents. And the next day would be Christmas.
There was clearly nothing to do but flop down on the shabby little couch and howl. So Della did it. Which instigates the moral reflection that life is made up of sobs, sniffles, and smiles, with sniffles predominating.
While the mistress of the home is gradually subsiding from the first stage to the second, take a look at the home. A furnished flat at $8 per week. It did not exactly beggar description, but it certainly had that word on the lookout for the mendicancy squad.
In the vestibule below was a letter-box into which no letter would go, and an electric button from which no mortal finger could coax a ring. Also appertaining thereunto was a card bearing the name "Mr. James Dillingham Young."
The "Dillingham" had been flung to the breeze during a former period of prosperity when its possessor was being paid $30 per week. Now, when the income was shrunk to $20, though, they were thinking seriously of contracting to a modest and unassuming D. But whenever Mr. James Dillingham Young came home and reached his flat above he was called "Jim" and greatly hugged by Mrs. James Dillingham Young, already introduced to you as Della. Which is all very good.
Della finished her cry and attended to her cheeks with the powder rag. She stood by the window and looked out dully at a gray cat walking a gray fence in a gray backyard. Tomorrow would be Christmas Day, and she had only $1.87 with which to buy Jim a present. She had been saving every penny she could for months, with this result. Twenty dollars a week doesn't go far. Expenses had been greater than she had calculated. They always are. Only $1.87 to buy a present for Jim. Her Jim. Many a happy hour she had spent planning for something nice for him. Something fine and rare and sterling--something just a little bit near to being worthy of the honor of being owned by Jim.
There was a pier-glass between the windows of the room. Perhaps you have seen a pier-glass in an $8 flat. A very thin and very agile person may, by observing his reflection in a rapid sequence of longitudinal strips, obtain a fairly accurate conception of his looks. Della, being slender, had mastered the art.
Suddenly she whirled from the window and stood before the glass. her eyes were shining brilliantly, but her face had lost its color within twenty seconds. Rapidly she pulled down her hair and let it fall to its full length.
Now, there were two possessions of the James Dillingham Youngs in which they both took a mighty pride. One was Jim's gold watch that had been his father's and his grandfather's. The other was Della's hair. Had the queen of Sheba lived in the flat across the airshaft, Della would have let her hair hang out the window some day to dry just to depreciate Her Majesty's jewels and gifts. Had King Solomon been the janitor, with all his treasures piled up in the basement, Jim would have pulled out his watch every time he passed, just to see him pluck at his beard from envy.
So now Della's beautiful hair fell about her rippling and shining like a cascade of brown waters. It reached below her knee and made itself almost a garment for her. And then she did it up again nervously and quickly. Once she faltered for a minute and stood still while a tear or two splashed on the worn red carpet.
On went her old brown jacket; on went her old brown hat. With a whirl of skirts and with the brilliant sparkle still in her eyes, she fluttered out the door and down the stairs to the street.
Where she stopped the sign read: "Mne. Sofronie. Hair Goods of All Kinds." One flight up Della ran, and collected herself, panting. Madame, large, too white, chilly, hardly looked the "Sofronie."
"Will you buy my hair?" asked Della.
"I buy hair," said Madame. "Take yer hat off and let's have a sight at the looks of it."
Down rippled the brown cascade.
"Twenty dollars," said Madame, lifting the mass with a practised hand.
"Give it to me quick," said Della.
Oh, and the next two hours tripped by on rosy wings. Forget the hashed metaphor. She was ransacking the stores for Jim's present.
She found it at last. It surely had been made for Jim and no one else. There was no other like it in any of the stores, and she had turned all of them inside out. It was a platinum fob chain simple and chaste in design, properly proclaiming its value by substance alone and not by meretricious ornamentation--as all good things should do. It was even worthy of The Watch. As soon as she saw it she knew that it must be Jim's. It was like him. Quietness and value--the description applied to both. Twenty-one dollars they took from her for it, and she hurried home with the 87 cents. With that chain on his watch Jim might be properly anxious about the time in any company. Grand as the watch was, he sometimes looked at it on the sly on account of the old leather strap that he used in place of a chain.
When Della reached home her intoxication gave way a little to prudence and reason. She got out her curling irons and lighted the gas and went to work repairing the ravages made by generosity added to love. Which is always a tremendous task, dear friends--a mammoth task.
Within forty minutes her head was covered with tiny, close-lying curls that made her look wonderfully like a truant schoolboy. She looked at her reflection in the mirror long, carefully, and critically.
"If Jim doesn't kill me," she said to herself, "before he takes a second look at me, he'll say I look like a Coney Island chorus girl. But what could I do--oh! what could I do with a dollar and eighty- seven cents?"
At 7 o'clock the coffee was made and the frying-pan was on the back of the stove hot and ready to cook the chops.
Jim was never late. Della doubled the fob chain in her hand and sat on the corner of the table near the door that he always entered. Then she heard his step on the stair away down on the first flight, and she turned white for just a moment. She had a habit for saying little silent prayer about the simplest everyday things, and now she whispered: "Please God, make him think I am still pretty."
The door opened and Jim stepped in and closed it. He looked thin and very serious. Poor fellow, he was only twenty-two--and to be burdened with a family! He needed a new overcoat and he was without gloves.
Jim stopped inside the door, as immovable as a setter at the scent of quail. His eyes were fixed upon Della, and there was an expression in them that she could not read, and it terrified her. It was not anger, nor surprise, nor disapproval, nor horror, nor any of the sentiments that she had been prepared for. He simply stared at her fixedly with that peculiar expression on his face.
Della wriggled off the table and went for him.
"Jim, darling," she cried, "don't look at me that way. I had my hair cut off and sold because I couldn't have lived through Christmas without giving you a present. It'll grow out again--you won't mind, will you? I just had to do it. My hair grows awfully fast. Say `Merry Christmas!' Jim, and let's be happy. You don't know what a nice-- what a beautiful, nice gift I've got for you."
"You've cut off your hair?" asked Jim, laboriously, as if he had not arrived at that patent fact yet even after the hardest mental labor.
"Cut it off and sold it," said Della. "Don't you like me just as well, anyhow? I'm me without my hair, ain't I?"
Jim looked about the room curiously.
"You say your hair is gone?" he said, with an air almost of idiocy.
"You needn't look for it," said Della. "It's sold, I tell you--sold and gone, too. It's Christmas Eve, boy. Be good to me, for it went for you. Maybe the hairs of my head were numbered," she went on with sudden serious sweetness, "but nobody could ever count my love for you. Shall I put the chops on, Jim?"
Out of his trance Jim seemed quickly to wake. He enfolded his Della. For ten seconds let us regard with discreet scrutiny some inconsequential object in the other direction. Eight dollars a week or a million a year--what is the difference? A mathematician or a wit would give you the wrong answer. The magi brought valuable gifts, but that was not among them. This dark assertion will be illuminated later on.
Jim drew a package from his overcoat pocket and threw it upon the table.
"Don't make any mistake, Dell," he said, "about me. I don't think there's anything in the way of a haircut or a shave or a shampoo that could make me like my girl any less. But if you'll unwrap that package you may see why you had me going a while at first."
White fingers and nimble tore at the string and paper. And then an ecstatic scream of joy; and then, alas! a quick feminine change to hysterical tears and wails, necessitating the immediate employment of all the comforting powers of the lord of the flat.
For there lay The Combs--the set of combs, side and back, that Della had worshipped long in a Broadway window. Beautiful combs, pure tortoise shell, with jewelled rims--just the shade to wear in the beautiful vanished hair. They were expensive combs, she knew, and her heart had simply craved and yearned over them without the least hope of possession. And now, they were hers, but the tresses that should have adorned the coveted adornments were gone.
But she hugged them to her bosom, and at length she was able to look up with dim eyes and a smile and say: "My hair grows so fast, Jim!"
And them Della leaped up like a little singed cat and cried, "Oh, oh!"
Jim had not yet seen his beautiful present. She held it out to him eagerly upon her open palm. The dull precious metal seemed to flash with a reflection of her bright and ardent spirit.
"Isn't it a dandy, Jim? I hunted all over town to find it. You'll have to look at the time a hundred times a day now. Give me your watch. I want to see how it looks on it."
Instead of obeying, Jim tumbled down on the couch and put his hands under the back of his head and smiled.
"Dell," said he, "let's put our Christmas presents away and keep 'em a while. They're too nice to use just at present. I sold the watch to get the money to buy your combs. And now suppose you put the chops on."
The magi, as you know, were wise men--wonderfully wise men--who brought gifts to the Babe in the manger. They invented the art of giving Christmas presents. Being wise, their gifts were no doubt wise ones, possibly bearing the privilege of exchange in case of duplication. And here I have lamely related to you the uneventful chronicle of two foolish children in a flat who most unwisely sacrificed for each other the greatest treasures of their house. But in a last word to the wise of these days let it be said that of all who give gifts these two were the wisest. O all who give and receive gifts, such as they are wisest. Everywhere they are wisest. They are the magi.

"The Gift of the Magi" is one of O. Henry's most famous stories. Included in The Four Million, his first collection of short stories, in 1906, it has been anthologized many times since then. The story contains many of the elements for which O. Henry is widely known, including poor, working-class characters, a humorous tone, realistic detail, and a surprise ending. A major reason given for its enduring appeal is its affirmation of unselfish love. Such love, the story and its title suggest, is like the gifts given by the wise men, called magi, who brought gold, frankincense, and myrrh to the newborn Jesus.
1. In "Gift of the Magi" the main complication stems from the impoverishment of the young couple; Della and Jim simply do not have enough money to purchase Chirstmas gifts for each other. This problem is suggested in the exposition of O. Henry's poignant story:
The "Dillingham" had been flung to the breeze during a former period of prosperity when its possessor was being paid thirty dollars per week. Now when the income was shrunk to twenty dollars, the letter of 'Dillingham' looked blurred, as though they were thinking seriously of contracting to a modest and unassuming D.
Also in the exposition, Della cries after counting her meager one dollar and eighty-seven cents which will not pay for the beautiful watch fob which she desires to give her husband for a Christmas present.
The resulting rising action that comes from this original complication gives rise to Della's inner conflict of cutting her hair which Jim loves and of which she is so proud. Jim, too, suffers from inner conflicts resulting from the complication of penury as he wrestles with the idea of selling his gold watch to buy the beautiful combs for his wife's Christmas present.
A touching plot, indeed--and relevant today in this material world-- the story,"The Gift of the Magi," has a resolution to this complication that many would do well to ponder. As O. Henry remarks, "They [Della and Jim] are the wisest of all."

MAKING WHOLE LANGUAGE WORK

by Carol Castellano
Editor's Note: Regular readers are familiar with Carol Castellano. Not only has Carol written numerous articles for Future Reflections, she is the very active president of the Parents of Blind Children Division of the NFB of New Jersey and Second Vice President of the National Organization of Parents of Blind Children. The topic of this article is quite timely. New teaching methods and approaches are a challenge to parents and teachers of blind children. Every time some new teaching approach is introduced, parents and teachers must ask, "Can these new methods work for blind students, too? What materials and adaptations will be needed?" These were the questions which faced the teachers when Carol Castellano's daughter, Serena, entered a grade which used the whole language approach. Here is what Carol has to say about their experiences in applying the whole language approach with a Braille student:
Whole language is an approach to teaching reading and writing which differs in many ways from the traditional system in which most of us learned to read and write. In the traditional approach children are grouped by reading ability and reading is taught during a certain period each day. Students read from basal readers, the grade-by-grade reading books which contain words chosen for their readability at a certain grade level. Phonics, spelling, and grammar are each taught as separate skills at separate times. The traditional approach might be characterized as skill-based.
In whole language classrooms a great deal of time during the school day is given over to reading and writing. In place of basal readers, "trade books" are used, authentic works of fiction and nonfiction that can be purchased at a bookstore. Instead of being grouped according to reading ability, all students read the various trade books. Students are exposed to a wide variety of materials, structures, and styles and also to the rich, poetic, and often complex language of real literature. Skills such as phonics and spelling are worked on in the context of what the children are reading and writing and are integrated into other curriculum areas. The whole language approach might be called meaning- or content-based.
Other hallmarks of the whole language approach include student choice of reading material and shared, cooperative reading and writing activities designed to develop appreciation, reflection, thinking, language, and speaking skills. Reading and writing are integrated into all curriculum areas. Teachers encourage intellectual risk-taking instead of rote memorization and answers. They subscribe to the idea that the learning is in the doing, thereby placing emphasis on the process of writing, not just on the finished product.
The whole language approach has provoked much discussion and controversy. Proponents of the approach say that it works- children not only learn to read and write with more pleasure and ease, but they become eager, independent, confident, lifelong readers and learners.
Those who object to the trend toward whole language fear that the approach is too loose and leaves too much to chance. The flexibility of whole language is in direct contrast to the controlled nature of traditional programs. Traditional teachers know and rely on the controlled vocabulary and skills checklists of basal readers and workbooks to gauge the progress of their students. Some feel it would be chaotic to try to keep track of what the children know and don't know if children read books of their own choosing and if reading is dispersed throughout the day. They fear the loss of formal phonics instruction. Some opponents of whole language are afraid children will not learn how to read. Some simply do not want to change. Despite the controversy, the whole language approach has been adopted in many school districts across the country.
What happens when a Braille student enters a whole language classroom? When my daughter entered first grade, the staff-committed, experienced whole language teachers who had never taught a blind student before-expressed great reservations. They believed she would not be able to participate successfully in the program. One even suggested that she change schools! The teachers expressed many reasons for fearing that whole language would not work with a Braille reader. Due to the need to introduce Braille contractions in advance, they felt Serena would not be able to cope with the random vocabulary found in trade books. A controlled vocabulary as found in basal readers, the teachers reasoned, would make for easier reading for Serena. In addition, they would have no lists of new vocabulary prepared to give to the Braille teacher as they would with basal readers.
Since trade books would also be used for subjects such as social studies and science, the teachers thought the reading for those subjects, also, would be too complicated. They wondered if it would be possible to get all the necessary books Brailled, since whole language requires many more books than just one textbook for each subject. And lastly, the teachers did not want to give up their freedom to use a wonderful poem or activity they found the night before because they would not have it in Braille the next day for Serena. They also felt that this would limit what would be available to the rest of the children in the class.
When I analyzed what was being said, I realized that the concerns of these experienced whole language teachers about whole language for a Braille student were identical to the concerns expressed by traditional teachers about whole language for any student! The concerns boiled down to one fundamental idea: we really don't know how to do this and make it work!
Serena has been in our school district's whole language program for two-and-a-half years now and as I write this (mid-third grade), she sits contentedly reading a Bobbsey Twins book. I think all her teachers would agree that Serena has fully and successfully participated in the whole language program and that she has certainly learned how to read! The inclusion of this Braille student in the program was accomplished without increased burden on the Braille teacher and without restricting the materials the teachers-and other students-could use. Several strategies were employed to make for a successful whole language experience (many of which would apply to any reading program). Here are some of our ideas:
· Much advance planning and preparation was done so that books and materials were ready on time. Books were chosen well in advance (approximately seven months). Teachers were aware of books which were already available in Braille and books on computer disk which could be quickly obtained in Braille. The teachers took care to let the Braille transcribers know which books and materials would be needed in September and for each subsequent month.
· We acted as a team-classroom teacher, teacher's aide, Braille teacher, and I-to discuss, plan, adapt, troubleshoot, and solve problems.
· The Braille teacher previewed books for new contractions and taught them in advance until all contractions had been taught. When Serena did not recognize a contraction in class, the teachers looked it up on a "cheat sheet" (Braille contraction chart) and told her what it was. (Incidentally, with trade books, sighted children, too, are challenged with interesting new vocabulary! A blind student can simply participate with the others in whatever vocabulary activities the class is doing.)
· Instead of taking Serena out of class for every lesson, the Braille teacher spent a great deal of time in the classroom, integrating the Braille lesson with the classroom reading activities.
· Reading speed was an issue for the longer passages in chapter books. At home we practiced speedier reading exercises and games (see end of article). We were also advised to have Serena read EVERY NIGHT!
· We taught Serena how to skim so that she could follow along efficiently when others were reading aloud.
· The teacher occasionally sent home the book the class would be reading next for Serena to preview. Sometimes she sent a book home for Serena to finish reading chapters.
· A print copy or photocopy of the book was sent home for all books that Serena was reading, including student-choice and library books. In this way, when Serena got to single-spaced, double-sided Braille books (second grade level and up), anyone, even those not familiar with Braille, could follow along as Serena read and provide ordinary help when needed.
· An M-Print, a modified computer printer which translates Braille into print, was attached to the Braille writer so that Serena's writing-daily journals, comprehension questions, reports, paragraphs, etc.-was immediately accessible to her non-Braille-reading teachers.
· The school purchased a Braille Blazer (a Braille embosser from Blazie Engineering). Attached to a regular computer, the Blazer enabled the teachers to type in material and produce Braille immediately, thus preserving the teachers' freedom to use newly found materials without excluding their blind student and resulting in access to more Braille for Serena. I am happy that my daughter was given the opportunity to take part in the school's whole language program and that she is progressing well in it. In addition to reaping what seem to be the benefits of the whole language approach, she has been allowed to experience what everyone else is experiencing. Our conclusion is that with proper planning, teamwork, flexibility, and careful outlay of funds, blind children can successfully participate in a whole language reading program.
Some Activities for Speedier Reading
· Have the child follow along as you read aloud and then stop reading; child must pick up reading aloud where you dropped off.
· You read aloud at a normal pace; the child skims along and follows your reading by paying attention to the beginnings and endings of sentences and end punctuation.
· Child reads easy or familiar material and practices going fast (encourage "lots of fingers on the Braille").
· Demonstrate an appropriate reading speed by gently moving the child's hands across the lines of Braille; have an adult blind friend demonstrate good reading technique to your child.
· Practice fast page-turning exercises and activities which can help develop good reading habits and faster reading.

Perspectives on the role of English as an International Language.

Paul Moritoshi
November 2001
Contents
Title
Contents
1 Introduction 1
2 Clarification of terms 1
3 Language in the development of society 3
3.1 Modernisation 3
3.2 Leisure and career opportunities 4
4 Language in the development of culture 6
4.1 Indigenous value-systems 6
4.2 Indigenous languages 8
4.3 Indigenous literary arts 9
5 Language in the maintenance of society and culture 10
6 The need for appropriate and adequate language planning 12
7 Implications for ELT professionals in Japan 13
8 Conclusion 14
Appendix 15
References 16
1
1 Introduction
Historical events such as the Pilgrims’ emigration to the Americas, the wholesale
transportation of British convicts to Australia and the expansion of the British empire,
initiated the spread of the English language to territories which Britain claimed as its
own. However, it is only relatively recently, since the 1920’s (Kachru, 1994: 137), or the
end of World War II (Kaplan, 1987: 138), that the influence of English as an international
language (EIL) has extended to most other parts of the world. Indeed English is now so
widespread and considered so influencial that the ‘BANA’ countries (Britain and the
Australasian and North American nations) (Holliday, 1994: 4), which use English as their
first language, are often charged with hegemony (Kaplan, 1987: 139) and ‘linguistic
imperialism’ (Phillipson, 1992).
In section 2, I will provide functional definitions for some of the concepts central
to this paper. Sections 3-5 then discuss the roles played by EIL and local languages in the
development and maintenance of society and culture. These sections present the view that
while EIL can positively develop both a society and its culture, social and cultural
maintenance is best performed by the local language. Section 6 highlights the need for
language planning which balances the use of EIL for development on the one hand, with
the use of local languages for maintenance on the other. Finally, section 7 outlines some
of the implications of these issues for English language teaching (ELT) professionals in
Japan.
It is necessary to concede at this point that this paper cannot possibly cover the
full range of issues pertaining to the EIL debate. The field is simply too vast. Instead, I
have tried to take a balanced selection of views on issues which help to illustrate the
points I wish to make in response to the question.
2 Clarification of terms
While definition of the key concepts is seen as a necessary precursor to any
discussion of language, society and culture (Wardhaugh, 1998: 1), I will keep such
clarifications to a necessary minimum. The definitions presented here therefore, though
not necessarily conceptually water-tight, are straight-forward, clear and adequately
functional for the purposes of this paper.
Wardhaugh views ‘society’ as:
.....any group of people who are drawn together for a certain purpose or purposes.
(ibid.).
In the context of English in an international setting, the ‘group’ might be loosely
2
equated to ethnic, culturally homogenous populations, possibly within, but not
necessarily limited to national boundaries. Here the ‘purposes’ are taken to be social and
cultural maintenance and development.
Goodenough defines ‘culture’ as:
.....whatever it is one has to know or believe in order to operate in a manner acceptable
to [a society’s] members, and to do so in any role that they accept for any one of
themselves.
(Goodenough, 1957: 167, cited by Wardhaugh, 1998: 215).
Though somewhat dated, this is in line with my own view as it emphasises culture
as the knowledge-base and value-system to which members of a society must subscribe if
they are to be socially accepted. These knowledge and value sets are very often expressed
in a society’s language and literature.
For this reason, in addition to being 'a resource for conceptualization and
communication' (Widdowson, 1987: 17), ‘language’ might also be thought of as a
cultural resource, often reflecting as it does the values of the society in which it has
evolved (Hyde, 1994: 300). It seems that a language develops over time specifically so
that a society can adequately express the values and beliefs that it holds.
If EIL can be defined at all, it might be described as any of the Centre’s ‘received
pronunciation’ (RP) varieties of English, used for international communication where the
interlocutors do not have a common first language (adapted from Kennedy, 2001: 81).
However, both Kaplan (1987: 145) and Wardhaugh (1998: 28) point out that these RP
varieties differ between and even among themselves.
'Development' might be defined simply as change or evolution. The implicit
assumption is that the change is intended to benefit all members of the society, though
this will not always be the case. The term ‘maintenance’ indicates the continuance of the
society or culture in its current state.
Finally, a common distinction made when discussing EIL is that between the
native English-speaking ‘Centre’ countries, predominantly Holliday’s (1994: 4) BANA
nations, and the non-native English-speaking ‘Periphery’. I will follow this distinction
rather than Kachru’s (1985: 12-15; 1992b: 232-234) differentiation between ‘Inner’,
‘Outer’ and ‘Expanding circles’, for two reasons. Firstly, that it better reflects the power
relations between these two groups (Bisong, 1995: 122) and secondly, as Shaub (2000:
225) points out in the case of Egypt, Kachru’s distinction between Outer and Expanding
nations is not always applicable.
3
3 Language in the development of society
This section discusses the uses that EIL has been put to in making new
technologies available to the Periphery and the ways in which it has enhanced choice and
opportunities in leisure and work.
3.1 Modernisation
One of the main roles EIL plays in social development is in modernisation.
Copious literature exists pointing out that English is the language of science and
technology (Strevens, 1980: 62; 1992: 31; Kachru, 1990: 7; Seaton, 1997: 381; Hyrkstedt
and Kalaja, 1998: 345; Master, 1998: 716; Kennedy, 2001: 83). Indeed, Kaplan notes that
80-85% of the world’s scientific and technical information is available in English (1987:
139, citing McArthur, 1987). Two reasons for this phenomenon are that, firstly, English
'has repeatedly found itself in the right place at the right time' (Crystal, 1997: 110). In
other words, it has generally been the Centre which has developed new technologies.
Unsurprisingly, the associated terminology is in English. Secondly, English seems
capable of supporting a very wide range of functions (Kachru, 1994: 135).
The Periphery is therefore often required to use English to obtain and use these
technologies when developing or modernising their services, industries and
infrastructures. Indeed, Kaplan points out that:
....where industrialization and modernization have been chosen [in the Pacific Rim]...
the relative achievement of those objectives is significantly tied to the availability of
English because, for better or for worse, English is the language of science and
technology.
(Kaplan, 1987: 144).
In other words, he views access to English as a concomitant factor for successful
modernisation.
Concerns however have been expressed that the process of modernisation affords
the Centre opportunities to exploit and/or control Periphery societies. In support of this
view, Phillipson writes:
....the export of English to formerly colonized countries has not paved the way to
modernity and prosperity, as was foreseen by at least some planners in the post
World War II era......Far from being a neutral medium allowing for international
4
communication and access to the technology of developed countries, English has
served the political, cultural, and economic interests of the principal colonial powers,
Great Britain and the U.S., at the expense of local and national development in third
world countries.
(Phillipson, 1992, quoted by Ricento, 1994: 422).
Phillipson is claiming that English failed to help former colonies (Periphery
societies) share in the technological and scientific advances made by the Centre. He
attempts to explain this by claiming that English provided a back-door by which Great
Britain and the United States (US) could exploit their former colonies, to the detriment of
their development.
Though English may be a necessary, concomitant factor in modernisation, it
should not be viewed as a sufficient one. How can any language, on its own, assure a
society’s development ? English, or any other language, is no substitute for a viable,
coherent plan for modernisation, supported by sufficient funding and appropriate and
adequate political and economic policies, implemented by a competent government. It is
unreasonable therefore to hold English as a language, or the Centre as its perceived
‘owners’ responsible for the failure of former colonies to develop, particularly when the
prevailing social, economic and political contexts in places like India and Africa are far
more influencial and potentially detrimental to development. Of course the Centre gains
from selling its technology to the Periphery. That is the nature of capitalism. Were the
roles to be reversed, it is most likely that the Periphery would do the same.
3.2 Leisure and career opportunities
The literature also notes that the Periphery uses EIL in various domains relating to
leisure and work, for example in the international news and entertainment media and in
youth culture (Strevens, 1980: 62; 1992: 31; Kachru, 1994: 140), for the internet (Seaton,
1997: 381; Bowers 2001: 293) and for (particularly international) business and trade
(Kaplan, 1987: 143; Hyrkstedt and Kalaja, 1998: 345; Master, 1998: 716; Bowers, 2001:
293). It could be inferred from this that proficiency in English therefore enhances one’s
leisure and career choices and opportunities.
Various sources support this inference. Personal experience shows that it is
certainly one of the main reasons given to Japanese students of English by their teachers
for studying the subject at school. Kachru (1994: 136) and Wardhaugh (1998: 356) have
called English ‘the language of mobility’, implying that it gives access to avenues which
might otherwise be closed. Holmes (1992: 65) has noted that English is used to enhance
5
job prospects and in an interview with Roger Bowers, Helena Kennedy QC talked of her
experiences with the British Council:
But what was apparent in South Africa was that lots of people, anxious to make life
better, didn’t want, as they saw it, to ‘waste time’ learning their own language. They
were actually saying ‘I want to learn English, because English is the language that’s
really going to better my life, and the life of my children.
(Bowers, 2001: 294).
This raises the larger issue of the effects EIL has upon local languages, which I
will discuss in section 4, but she makes the point that English is perceived to open doors
which local languages cannot or do not. In highlighting similar sentiments among
Nigerians, Bisong (1995: 124-125) points out that English is perceived to '[maximise]
opportunities in a multilingual and multicultural society' (ibid.: 126). Finally, English
proficiency is perceived as a highly influencial factor in employment and promotion in
Periphery nations as culturally diverse as China (Yong and Campbell, 1995) and Brazil
(Friedrich, 2000). In fact, as of 1999, 82% of the (particularly multinational)
organisations and companies which use the ‘Test of English for International
Communication’ (TOEIC), either take account of TOEIC scores when reviewing job
applications and promotions, or wish to do so in the future (Educational Testing Service,
2000: 5).
How does enhancing leisure and career opportunities help a society’s
development ? Wider leisure opportunities might generate income for, and even create
new jobs in both public- and private-sector leisure-related industries. Wider career
opportunities and choice can help bring about higher levels of employment. The net result
is a more prosperous economy. This view is supported by Al-Haq and Smadi (1996: 313)
who demonstrated that Saudi university students believe that English can enhance their
nation’s economical development.
Strong critics of EIL, its spread, influences and effects, do not appear to contest
that English can enhance leisure and career opportunities in Periphery societies, nor that,
where such occurs, it might be beneficial to the local economy. What mainly concerns
them, as touched upon above, is the potentially adverse effects that EIL might have on a
society’s indigenous culture in the process.
4 Language in the development of culture
6
Unsurprisingly perhaps, there seems little controversy attached to the use of EIL
for improving the physical services and infrastructures necessary for a large, wellequipped
society, or for improving peoples’ quality of life through work and leisure.
However, the debate concerning the effects that EIL and its use have had on local
cultures is far more active. I shall discuss this with respect to the impact EIL has had on
indigenous value- systems, languages and literary arts.
4.1 Indigenous value-systems
Several writers have noted that English, even when used in an international
context, is not the value-neutral language that Wardhaugh (1987: 15) (Appendix) claims
it to be (Uemichi, 1984: 6; Kaplan, 1987: 145; Brown, 1990: 13; and Phillipson, 1992,
cited by Bisong, 1995: 123). My response to this is that of course English has a set of
attendant values. That is its purpose as a language, as defined in section 2. However,
those opposed to the spread and influence of EIL often make the generalised assumption
that exposure to English results in the corruption or complete displacement of the local
value-system which constitutes a major part of the indigenous culture.
Is this assumption a valid one ? Kachru (1994: 147) asks whether the use of EIL
for modernisation necessarily entails ‘Westernisation’ ? In other words, does English for
social development require an acceptance of the Centre’s religious (i.e. mainly Judaeo-
Christian), economic (i.e. capitalist), political (i.e. democratic ?) and social values ?
Phillipson (1992: 166) (Appendix) would reply along the lines that Periphery societies
have little choice in the matter; that those values are foisted upon them by the Centre,
through English. Others dispute this: Uemichi (1984) in Japan; Adaskou et al (1990: 7)
and Hyde (1994) in Morocco; Bisong (1995: 131) in Nigeria; and O’Reilly (1998: 82-83)
in Bulgaria, all show that it is possible to use English without having to subscribe to its
values. Al-Haq and Smadi have also demonstrated that, among Saudi Arabian university
students at least, the use of English does not threaten Islamic values:
[They] agree that learning English is neither an indication of Westernization nor
entails an imitation and admiration of Western cultural values.
(Al-Haq and Smadi, 1996: 313).
Examination of the data on which these conflicting arguments are founded is quite
revealing. Phillipson’s (1992) data come from interviews with 8 British ELT
professionals, various governmental and official reports and the published work of a
handful of language scholars (Ricento, 1994: 421-2), some or all of whom are clearly
7
already allied to his own viewpoint. Conversely, as the above references indicate, those
who oppose Phillipson’s work generally do so based on knowledge of specific Periphery
contexts and often on data derived through empirical research at grass-roots level. At the
very least, this raises doubts as to how well Phillipson is informed of the reality on the
ground.
It is conceded that exposure to the values inherent in EIL has the potential to
modify local values, though that does not mean that they always do so, or that where they
do, that the modification is necessarily detrimental to that society or its culture. It is
entirely conceivable that the Centre’s values may even have a reinforcing effect on local
values, as in the case of other Judaeo-Christian, capitalist or democratic societies. Bisong
(1995: 131); Warschauer (2000: 515); and Kennedy (2001: 80) all point to the need to
account for the 'human agency that shapes how English is used in different circumstances'
(Warschauer, ibid.). In other words, people are capable of using languages eclectically
and flexibly. The same capacity for eclecticism exists with respect to value-systems,
particularly among those in minority groups, (Montgomery, 1995: 67). People living in a
foreign country and speaking the local language, often operate in this fashion. For
example, Westerners speaking Japanese can conform to Japanese sociolinguistic values
of (what seems to Westerners extreme) politeness, tolerance and patience in the company
of Japanese people, yet revert to a Western norm when talking with fellow countrymen.
Also, my own (Japanese) wife is often conspicuously ‘unJapanese’ in her behaviour
when visiting England. She is able to complain in a very forthright fashion to a
shopkeeper about a faulty product she has bought, then revert back to Japanese
sociolinguistic norms of indirectness and circuitous explanations upon meeting Japanese
friends in town. This goes beyond acculturation. It is the ability to switch back and forth
between value-systems.
Therefore, rather than viewing value-systems as absolutes, in terms of ‘one-orthe-
other’ or ‘yours-or-mine’, it might be better to think of them as an additional
‘attitudinal resource’ that can be called up when needed. In this light, the Centre’s values
are no longer automatically seen as detrimental, but as a potential enhancement, a
development, supplementing rather than supplanting indigenous values. Periphery users
of English need to be aware of the values which English holds, so that they can be used
as an additional resource, but it is not necessary to actually subscribe to those values.
4.2 Indigenous languages
When two languages come into contact, there is often a mutually beneficial
exchange at the levels of lexis, phonology, grammar and discourse (collectively: Fisiak,
8
1993: 96; Kachru, 1994: 139-145; and Kennedy et al, 2001: 51). There is concern
however, because English almost always ‘donates’ far more than it ‘receives’.
Section 2 touched upon the preference for English over local languages in South
Africa. Concern has been expressed that exposure to English can modify, marginalise or
even displace local languages (Holmes, 1992: 55-70; Phillipson and Skutnabb-Kangas,
1997; Tully, 1997; and Wardhaugh, 1998: 348). Warschauer (2000: 516) cites Phillipson
(1992) in this regard, but counters that English can then be turned against the Centre, to
the Periphery’s advantage in, for example, the struggle for independence.
The general consensus among those not opposed to EIL is that Periphery societies
utilise English as an addition to their local language, rather than as a substitute for it.
There exists a diglossia, where societies have generally accepted bilingualism (or
multilingualism) and biculturalism (or multiculturalism) (Tollefson, 1989: 24; Kachru,
1994: 145; Bisong, 1995: 123; Dushku, 1998: 377; and Wardhaugh, 1998: 356).
Crystal however takes a more defensive view:
....people put two and two together and make five, of course, because the reasons
why the languages are dying in Papua New Guinea have nothing to do with the
role of English as a world language, all sorts of things are happening.
(Crystal, 1998: 151).
His point is that English might be present in societies where local languages are
disappearing, but that other, unrelated factors are the cause. This is probably true in many
cases where English, or more accurately, the Centre, has been held responsible, but the
concern expressed by Phillipson and others is to some extent justified, if only because
when language shift or loss occurs, it is difficult to reverse (Holmes, 1992: 74-75).
There are certainly risks associated with exposing a Periphery language to
English. Those risks can however bring greater functionality through lexical,
phonological, grammatical and discoursal enhancement. Where societies face the need to
adapt to a changing world, their languages need to evolve with them to support that
adaptation. EIL might actually be helping in that process. This highlights the importance
of making language planning a coherent part of the larger vision an administration has for
the society it governs. This is discussed in section 6.
4.3 Indigenous literary arts
Exposure to English has led to various developments in the Periphery’s literary
arts. Firstly, to paraphrase Kachru (1994: 145), English has functioned as a model for
9
modifying, extending and refining genres already present in Periphery nations’ literary
traditions. Secondly, it has provided fresh genres, styles and themes which have
subsequently been taken up through the local language (ibid.). Finally, some Periphery
writers use English in addition to, or in preference to, their own native tongue (Kachru,
1992b: 242; Lowry, 1992; Thumboo, 1992; Bisong, 1995: 128-131; Tully, 1997: 158).
On this aspect of cultural development, Phillipson (1992) questions the
motivations of Periphery writers who work in English when they could channel their
creativity through their own local languages. He advances three explanations. Firstly, that
such writers desire to show that they can '[master] the Imperial culture'. Secondly, that
they are attempting to
''decolonize' [Periphery] literature written in English' and thirdly, that they are unwitting
victims of cultural imperialism (Phillipson, 1992, all cited Bisong, 1995: 129). Perhaps
the best way to refute these claims is to let such writers defend their decisions for
themselves:
If I had not written in English, I would not have written at all.
(Joseph Conrad, 1965: 60, quoted by Bisong, 1995: 130).
10
I feel that the English language will be able to carry the weight of my African
experience. But it will have to be a new English, still in full communion with
its ancestral home but altered to suit its new African surroundings.
(Achebe, 1975, quoted by Bisong, 1995: 129).
How shall we describe Indian creative writing in English.......Of course, it is Indian
literature, just as the work of Thoreau and Hemingway are American literature. But
Indian literature comprises several literatures....and Indian writing in English is but
one of the voices in which India speaks. It is a new voice, no doubt, but it is as much
Indian as others.
(Iyengar, 1962: 3, quoted by Kachru, 1992b: 242).
It seems that English is the preferred medium for some simply because it
facilitates the creative process (Bisong, 1995: 129). Any suggestion that Periphery writers
writing in English have ulterior purposes or hidden agendas is, in Bisong’s view both
'patronising' and ill-informed (ibid.: 131). The additional literary resources made
available through English can therefore be seen as complementary to the local literary
traditions, rather than being at odds with them (Kachru, 1994: 145).
In summary, the main points in this section have been that:
* the value-system associated with EIL provides additional ‘attitudinal resources’.
* contact with English has led to greater functionality in Periphery languages through
linguistic enrichment.
* English has provided additional literary resources.
5 Language in the maintenance of society and culture
So far, I have showed that EIL can be used to develop Periphery societies through
modernisation and improved work and leisure opportunities, and to develop Periphery
cultures through additional ‘attitudinal’, linguistic and literary resources. This section
presents the view that, while EIL certainly has a role to play in developing the Periphery,
it is the local languages that are best suited to the task of maintenance. The reason for this
is quite straight-forward. The purpose of language is to reflect both the society that uses it
and that society's culture. When a society and/or culture has undergone change, it's
language has generally adapted in step with those changes, so that it can continue to serve
that purpose.
In his article on English in India, Tully writes:
11
But what I do not want.....is English on top of Indian languages. I want to see the
other languages flourish, and I do not believe that Indian culture and Indian
civilization can survive healthily and flourish unless the original languages of the
country flourish too.
(Tully, 1997: 158).
Though he states clearly that he is in favour of English for all the benefits it can
bring (ibid.), he strongly believes that India and its cultures will thrive only if Indian
languages reassert themselves.
The renowned African writer Chinua Achebe has expressed his hope that those
writing in the local languages will continue to do so, so that the 'ethnic literature will
flourish side-by-side with the national ones' (1975, cited by Bisong, 1995: 129). More
generally, Strevens (1980: 62) says that local languages can perform the same functions
at the intranational level or among native-speakers, that EIL does in the international
context, (for example in science and mass media). Further, that in many (though not all)
cases, they can do so just as 'adequately and even elegantly' as EIL (ibid.: 73). Where this
is the case, given that local languages are already optimally attuned to the local culture
and the society’s linguistic needs, clearly it is the local language that it best suited to the
maintenance of that society and its culture.
To close this section, it is interesting to note Master’s (1998: 723) observation that
Cantonese is actually displacing English in Hong Kong. To explain this, he cites
Fishman:
..when non-English-speaking countries that currently rely on English for modernization
......become strong enough to continue that progress in their own vernacular languages,
for example, by inventing new technology, English will be displaced, as will all those
in the population who identify with it, and power will shift to those who know (and
identifywith) the vernacular.
(Fishman, 1973: 93, cited in Master, 1998: 723-724).
He sees English as a transient medium through which a society can import new
technologies, then, when it has taken what it wants, the indigenous language is allowed to
reassert itself. This leaves the society in a technologically stronger position than before,
but able to maintain its culture through its own language. In Hong Kong’s case this might
be an oddity caused by the rapid and substantial shift in political systems that occurred
12
with its return to China. However, if other societies follow this example, the implication
for EIL is that its long-term future as the dominant language in some countries is far from
assured.
6 The need for appropriate and adequate language planning
This paper has advocated a position which requires a balance to be struck between
the utilisation of EIL for the development of Periphery societies and their cultures, and
the use of local languages for their maintenance. It is essentially the same juggling of
national concerns which Kennedy (2001: 95) outlines with respect to Malaysia. However,
the optimal balance for any given context is highly unlikely to arise, or to be maintained,
merely by chance. It must be deliberately planned and actively implemented. It would be
the role of language planners to formulate appropriate and adequate plans, that is to say
ones which account for both present and future local problems, needs, available
resources, etc. To avoid the kind of problems outlined by Bisong (1995: 124), this work
is perhaps better performed by native language planners who have knowledge of the
prevailing local conditions.
Planning with a view to establishing this EIL/local language equilibrium would,
perhaps to a large extent, negate the potentially adverse effects of EIL and the Centre
upon Periphery languages, cultures and, therefore, societies. Phillipson and Skutnabb-
Kangas (1996) write at great length about the need for language planning to counter these
negative tendencies, while Kaplan (1987: 143) succinctly describes the whole process as
'damage control'. That is perhaps a fair label. It is significant that much of the work being
done in language planning in recent years seems to relate to the preservation of
indigenous languages, rather than the promotion of English. Perhaps the former has
become necessary because the Centre has already fulfilled the latter task more than
adequately.
Of course having a plan does not equate to its successful implementation. It does
not necessarily even equate to the intention to successfully implement it. Some
individuals or groups within the society will be unwilling (either overtly or covertly) to
do so, while others will, for whatever reason, be unable to. However, it seems fair to say
that a plan which is both appropriate and adequate, is likely to be generally well received
by a society's native members. To maintain widespread support however, it would require
frequent review, since many of the social variables on which its formulation is based, are
themselves dynamic (Kennedy, 2001: 94-95).
7 Implications for ELT professionals in Japan
13
What implications do the issues raised in this paper have for ELT professionals in
the Japanese context ?
Despite borrowing many words from English (McArthur, 1987, cited by Kaplan,
1987: 139), and even some grammars (Kachru, 1994: 143), there seems no realistic
chance of English making serious inroads into the Japanese language. The biggest issue
here therefore seems to be that of cultural, rather than linguistic imperialism, i.e.
imposing the Centre’s values upon Japanese citizens. To safeguard against such charges,
ELT professionals in Japan may need to review both the materials they use and the ways
in which they are deployed. Materials which rely heavily upon Centre-based contexts,
characters and cultural values and assumptions minimise their relevance to students and
are likely to be poorly received (Adaskou et al, 1990: 7-8; Prodromou, 1992: 47-48).
Activities which require students to perform in ways contrary to their cultural norms also
seem inappropriate. For example, Japanese are generally very uncomfortable with any
activity requiring them to draw attention to themselves, as it goes very much against their
cultural values to do so. Uemichi’s admonition reinforces this point:
.....foreign teachers of English.......should pay more heed to the realities of Japanese
society and the opinions of Japanese teachers and students.
(Uemichi, 1984: 5-6).
That is not to say that teaching the Centre’s culture is taboo. Cultural knowledge
is generally accepted as an important part of increasing overall communicative
competence, but if foreign ELT professionals here are to maintain credibility among their
colleagues and students, it needs to be done in a way which is sensitive to, and respectful
of Japanese culture, just as Adaskou et al (1990) and Hyde (1994) demonstrated in the
case of Morocco.
Finally, in common with other Periphery nations such as Malaysia (Kennedy,
2001: 95), what occurs in the classroom often bears little resemblance to the official
language plan. There is in Japan the unstated, but socially accepted supposition that the
sole purpose of formal English education is to prepare students for higher education
entrance exams. That these (language knowledge) tests serve only to nullify the
(language use) plans outlined by central and local government is a major source of
conflict between Japanese and foreign ELT teachers here. How one resolves this conflict
is a matter of personal preference, but a successful outcome is likely to require the
cultural sensitivity outlined above.
14
8 Conclusion
This paper has suggested a division of labour in the roles played by EIL and
Periphery languages in the development and maintenance of society and culture. EIL
seems best suited to social development because it facilitates modernisation and enhances
leisure and career opportunities and choice. It also appears able to develop Periphery
cultures by supplying additional ‘attitudinal’, linguistic and literary resources.
Conversely, social and cultural maintenance are probably best performed by the local
language, because the indigenous code is already finely attuned to the society and its
culture.
The need for adequate and appropriate language planning has also been
highlighted. Without it, the tendency of EIL and the Centre to modify or displace local
languages and cultures would go largely unchecked. Finally, some implications for ELT
professionals in my local context have been highlighted. These go some way to applying
the occasionally abstract and remote concepts of society and culture to the practical
problems encountered in the classroom.
The world is indeed getting smaller and in response to that, more societies are
tending towards bilingualism and biculturalism. ELT professionals, particularly those
from the Centre need to be cognisant of the fact though that knowledge of additional
languages and cultures does not equate to a preparedness to abandon one's own. Further,
that where those in the profession are not sensitive to societies’ indigenous cultures and
languages, they risk eliciting negative reactions.
15
Appendix
Quotations used in the original task question.
#1 since no cultural requirements are tied to the learning of English, you can learn it and use it
without
having to subscribe to another set of values [...]
Ronald Wardhaugh (1987: 15).
Languages in Competition: Dominance, diversity and decline. Blackwell
#2 English is the least localized of all the language in the world today. Spoken almost everywhere in
the
world to some degree, and tied to no particular social, political, economic or religious system, or
to a
specific racial or cultural group, English belongs to everyone or to no one, or at least it is quite
often
regarded as having this property.
Ronald Wardhaugh (1987: 15).
Languages in Competition: Dominance, diversity and decline. Blackwell
#3 What is at stake when English spreads is not merely the substitution or displacement of one
language by
another but the imposition of new ‘mental structures’ through English. This is in fact an intrinsic
part of
’modernization’ and ‘nation-building’, a logical consequence of ELT. Yet the implications of this
have
scarcely penetrated into ELT research or teaching methodology. Cross-cultural studies have never
formed part of the core of ELT as an academic discipline, nor even any principled consideration of
what educational implications might follow from an awareness of this aspect of English linguistic
imperialism.
Robert Phillipson (1992: 166).
Linguistic imperialism. OUP
#4 there have been comments made about other structural aspects too, such as the absence in English
grammar of a system of coding social class differences, which make the language appear more
’democratic’ to those who speak a language (e.g. Javanese) that does express an intricate system
of
class relationships.
David Crystal (1997).
English as a Global Language. CUP
16
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